Historical Collections Relating to Gwynedd

By Howard M. Jenkins

Second Edition

1897

There is no record or tradition of serious bloodshed in Gwynedd during the war of the Revolution, though the place was so near to many important military operations. But detachments of the American army moved through it many times, and from September 1777, to June, 1778, the people must have been alomost daily reminded by the visits of soldiers of the conflict that was raging about them.

When Washington was on the Perkiomen, previous to the attack at Germantown, General McDougall's brigade, consisting of about sixteen hundred men, was posted "at Montgomery", and from there marched down to the battle, moving, no doubt, by the Bethlehem road to the Spring House, and then down to Whitemarsh. After the battle, the current of the retreat swept upward through Gwynedd. General Francis Nash, of North Carolina, who was mortally wounded early in the action, and who remains lie with those of Colonel Boyd, Major White, and Lieutenant Smith, in the Mennonite graveyard above Kulpsville, is said to have died at Heist's tavern, having been brought that far in a wagon. The Friends' meeting-house, according to tradition, was used as a hospital, and a number of soldiers who died in it are believed to have been buried in the south corner of the graveyard, where there is now a considerable space with no stones or other marks [JQ, 2001: still true today - see map].

During the winter of 1777-78, while the Americans were at Valley Forge, and the British in Philadelphia, scouting and foraging parties were continually moving through the township.

On the 9^th of January, 1778, Colonel John Lacey, of Bucks county, was appointed brigadier-general, in command of the state militia forces operating between the Schuylkill and the Delaware rivers. He took command at once, succeeding General Potter, and until the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British, the operations of his men more directly concerned the neighborhood of Gwynedd than any other forces. He refers in his reports, several times, to North Wales, where parties of his men were posted, and an encounter of some interest, to be referred to in a moment, occurred there. January 24, he reported that he had about three hundred "at the Spring House and Plymouth meeting, both included." Late in February a drove of cattle on the way to the camp at Valley Forge was taken by the British, within his lines, it is said "near Bartholomew's tavern," at Montgomery Square, his force being, re reported, insufficient to afford a guard for the drove. In acknowledging his report of this capture (dated Feb. 27) General Washington wrote from the Camp at Valley Forge, March 2:

"I desire you to send a party of 150 men, under a good officer, well armed and completed with ammunition, to Bartholomew's Tavern, on Wednesday next [March 4] at 11 o'clock in the morning. The officer will meet a party there at that time from this camp, and will then receive his orders. As a very particular piece of service is to be executed, I beg that the party may be punctual to the time, and not fail upon any pretence whatever."

The nature of this service does not appear from the official correspondence later.

On the 23^rd of March a conference of officers was held at Spring House to consider a scheme "to depopulate the whole country between the Delaware and Schuylkill for fifteen miles around the city, compelling the inhabitants by force to remove back beyond a distance." The subject is thus referred to in a letter from General Lacey to General Washington, dated March 29:

"I had the pleasure to be with Gen. McIntosh on the 23d inst., at the Spring-House tavern, in Philadelphia county; where the General, several field officers, and myself were of the opinion that if the inhabitants who live near the enemy's lines, or between ours and them, on this side the Schuylkill, were to move back into the country, it would be of the utmost utility to the public cause. Gen. McIntosh was on his return to camp to lay the proposal before your Excellency, and send me word if approved of. Such a plan would not only stop all communication with the enemy, but would deprive them of every kind of supply from the country; which the most indefatigable exertions of parties cannot prevent."

Lacey add that "in order to know the people's minds with respect to moving," he set afloat a report after leaving the conference at Spring House, "that all the inhabitants within fifteen miles of Philadelphia were desired to move back into the country by the 1^st of April." It caused great excitement among the people, a meeting was held, and a committee waited on him to say that it would be impossible to comply with such an order. There were not, they said, teams and carriages enough in all that country to remove one-third of the people and their effects. General Washington wrote from Valley Forge March 31, declining to approve the order. The measure he characterized as "rather desirable than practicable," and added:

"The difficulties attending the removal of so many inhabitants with their effects may be regarded as insurmountable; and at the same time, the horror of depopulating a whole district, however little consideration the majority of the persons concerned may deserve from us, would forbid the measure."

On the 21^st of April a court-martial was convened at North Wales to try a captain, of the Northampton county militia, who had permitted a prisoner to escape. He was found guilty of negligence of duty, and dismissed the service.

On the 25^th of April, the last day of the week, Lacey, who had been at North Wales, "to discharge the Northampton Militia," moved to the Billet (Hatboro). He had had his quarters probably in the tavern which was kept in a building that now forms the central part of Walter H. Jenkins's store, on the turnpike above the meeting-house. His baggage-wagons he directed to follow him that day. What occurred is told in records that have come down to us. Captain John Montressor, an engineer officer in the British service, who was then with that army in Philadelphia, says in his journal:

"Sunday, 26^th (April). Wind northerly, the air cool, weather very fine. The two troops of the 17^th Dragoons returned and [having] surprised a Post of 50 men of the Rebels at North Wales meeting-house, killed 12, took 6 prisoners, the rest fled. Brought in 2 waggons loaded with camp equipage."

General Lacey's report to General Washington is in the following dispatch:

Camp, Billet, April 27^th, 1778.

"SIR: Inclosed is a return of the militia under my command. I hear that more are on their way to join me. I moved from North Wales (whither I had retired to discharge the Northampton Militia) last Saturday about twelve o'clock, on hearing a party of the enemy had filed off from the Germantown road, towards the York road. I proceeded as far as Edge hill, hoping to fall in with them; but found on my arrival at that place, they had returned to the city. I camped with my little handful of men the following night at Billet, where I still remain. I sent orders for the provisions and stores I had left at North Wales to be moved; and for the baggage-wagons belonging to the militia to come to the Billet, the same night. Some of the waggoners belonging to a part of the Northampton people (whose times did not expire till the last evening), following the common custom of disobedience among the militia, neglected moving until next morning, when they were met by a party of the enemy's horse, just after they had started, and took on waggon and eight horses; also five or six prisoners, and wounded several more. Those fellows, the day before, when the Brigade left camp, being either too lazy or too cowardly to march with them, chose to stay with the baggage; and being not fond of fatigue, had, for their own ease, carefully deposited their arms in the baggage waggons, and in this situation they were met by the enemy."

An affair at the Spring House is described in the New Jersey Gazette, the patriot sheet published at Burlington, while the British held Philadelphia, --of the date of February 18, 1778, as follows:

"ON SATURDAY LAST (FEBRUARY 15, 1778), a considerable body of British Light Infantry, accompanied by a party of light horse, made an excursion into the country as high as a place called the Spring-House Tavern (Gwynedd Township, Philadelphia County), about sixteen miles from Philadelphia, where they made prisoners a Major Wright of the Pennsylvania Militia, and a number of persons in the Civil Department such as Magistrates, Assessors, Constables, etc., who were pointed out by the Tories inhabiting that neighborhood. The enemy went in three divisions, part of them through Germantown, where they broke many windows, seized all the leather, stockings, etc., and returned to Philadelphia on the evening of the same day, after having committed many other acts of licentiousness and cruelty on the persons of those they term Rebels."

This incursion was certainly one of the boldest and most serious which the royal troops attempted. The allusion to "the Tories inhabiting that neighborhood" must be taken with many grains of allowance: how strong the sympathy even of the non-fighting Friends was for the American cause, and how much they dreaded royal troops is clearly disclosed in the pages of the Sally Wister Journal, in the preceding chapter.

As some offset to these raids there is the tradition that John Fries, of Hatfield, afterwards the famous auctioneer who raised the "Rebellion" of 1798 against the window tax, "on one occasion, while the British held Philadelphia, headed a party of his neighbors, gave pursuit to the light-horse that were driving stolen cattle to the city, and rescued them about the Spring House tavern."

The Friends, as a body, took no part in the war, on either side. Their peace principles were fairly preserved. A few entered the revolutionary service, but none in Gwynedd, so far as there is evidence, took the king's side. Mordecai Roberts, Eldad's son, is said to have served in the Continental army and fought at Germantown. The meeting records show that he was disciplined for "joining the military men in their exercises," and finally disowned, in June, 1777. In September, 1779, the minutes mention another case where "__ __ consented to the payment of a Fine in Lieu of Military Service; which in writing he acknowledged sorrow for, but afterwards appealed to have the like fine remitted, and also was present at a muster, from which it appears that his sorrow was not such as worketh true repentance, " etc. etc. In December, 1779, Joseph Ambler, son of John, makes acknowledgement for paying a fine in lieu of personal military service, and taking the oath of allegiance. [H. Jenkins note: These are, however, a very small part of the similar instances. My friend Charles Roberts of Philadelphia, who has more carefully inspected the monthly meeting records of the period, says there were many disownments for taking part in the war, --as many as a dozen on one meeting day.]

Under the militia law of that time, all the men within the military age were enrolled by companies, and regarded as members of these, whether they mustered or not. If they did not attend muster, or respond when called into service, they incurred a fine. In Gwynedd township there were two such companies and in Montgomery one. The officer for the lower division of Gwynedd, was at first Captain Dull (Christian, the tavern keeper of Spring House, no doubt), and subsequently Captain Troxel; in the upper division, Captain Bloom; and in Montgomery, Captain Hines. The companies belonged to "the Fourth Battalion of Philadelphia County Militia, commanded by Colonel William Dean." Printed accounts, showing the fines collected between 1777 and 1780 from those persons who did not muster or march when called on, are in existence, and one list of collections for Gwynedd is as follows"

Captain Dull's Company, in Gwynedd, Lower Division. Fines for failing to march or muster:

Captain Bloom's Company, Upper Division of Gwynedd, Fines for failure to Muster or March

These fines, in the case of strict Friends, must have been obtained by seizure and sale of some of their property, as they could not, under their Discipline, pay them voluntarily. Another list of collections, later than that given above, shows much heavier fines, several running up to 200 pounds, and Garret Clemens, in the lower division, paying 300 pounds. These were sums in Continental currency, however, and therefore not so ruinously large as they appear.

When the American army moved from Valley Forge to New Jersey, in June, 1778, the whole of it doubtless marched through Gwynedd, and at least a part of it encamped there over night, June 19-20. We may repeat here the lines from Miss Wister's journal which fix these facts:

"June 19. Dr. Gould came here to-night. Our army are about six miles off on their march to the Jerseys."

June 20. Owen Foulke arrived just now. The army began their march at six this morning, by their house. Our worthy General Smallwood breakfasted at Uncle Caleb's. Our brave, our heroic General Washington was escorted by fifty of the Life-Guard with drawn swords."

[Note from H. Jenkins: Caleb's house is the old Meredith house, now J. Lukens's, repeatedly mentioned in this volume.]

The march from Valley Forge was down the main roads, including the Perkiomen and Skippack, to the Swede's Ford road, and then across on it by Doylestown to Well's Ferry (New Hope), where the army crossed the river into New Jersey. That Washington himself encamped in Gwynedd on the night of the 19^th is quite likely: Owen Foulke's explanations to the family at Penllyn show that he rode by Caleb's house next morning, and it is known that he reached Doylestown that night.

Additional Reference (JQ): A web page has been constructed which has the correspondence between Generals Lacey and Washington. A constant concern of Washington's was preventing supplies from reaching the British in Philadelphia and Lacey was the man charged with preventing it. Among the measures ordered by Washington was one to prevent Quakers from attending Quarterly and Yearly meetings in Philadelphia. Attempts to do go into Philadelphia were to be met with confiscation of their horses and detention if  Lacey felt the person apprehended was trying to bring supplies to the British.

Additional Data:

Howard Jenkins provided the list of fines for not attending militia drills above. Here are the militia musters, as reconstructed in the Pennsylvania Archives (mostly from series 6, vol. 3)(transcribed by Jas. Quinn at the Historical Society of Montgomery County, PA). A comparison of the two lists gives some idea of who actively participated in the militia drills.

The companies in 1777 were Part of the 4th Battalion, Philadelphia County - Officers:  First Company, Capt. Christian Dull, First Lt. Peacock Major, 2nd Lt. John Troxel and Ensign John Shelmire. (Lower Gwynedd twp. today); Third Company, Capt. Stephen Bloom, 1st Lt. Daniel Bloom, 2nd Lt. John Jenkins, Ensign John Johnson (Upper Gwynedd); Fourth company Capt. Samuel Hines, 1st Lt. Jenkin Evans (spelled Evens in the Archives), 2nd Lt. Charles Humphreys, Ensign Walter Evans (spelled Evens in the Archives)(Montgomery twp.).

A little later the battalion was called the 1st Battalion, Philadelphia County and the members of the militia companies were as follows:

Captain Stephen Bloom

First class: Jacob Whismas (Wisner)^, Samuel Wheeler (the blacksmith and weapons maker)^, Benjamin Harry^, Melchoir Kreble^, Rees Roberts^

Second class: Christian Stump, Jacob Smith^, Abram Wolford, Martin Baker, Caleb Foulke^, William Sluter, John Erwin^, Joseph Shoemaker

Third class: Humphrey Hughs, Job Lukens^, Mattias Boor, Barney Beaver, Christian Dilcart, Abram Danehower, Hugh Evans, Peter Hoofman (Hoffman), John Dilcart^, Thomas Deasey

Fourth class: Jacob Weont (Wiont)^, Amos Griffith, Samuel Castner^, Levi Jenkins^, William Springner (Springer)^, Jesse Jenkins, Jacob Brown, John Johnson, William Williams*, Jacob Johnson, Jacob Heisler^, Amos Albreth, Philip Stillwagon

Fifth class: Jacob Delcart, Thomas Shoemaker*, Joseph Griffith, William Mares (Maris), Daniel Hoofman (Hoffman)*

Sixth class: John Williams, Evan Jones, George Lurtz, Daniel Frize, Abraham Hoofman, William Lowrey, George Roberts*, Jacob Hoot

Seventh class: Isaac Hubb, Christopher Snyder, George Histe, Alexander Scoot (Scot)

Eighth class: Isaac Lewis^, Rees Harry^, Joseph Lewis*, Henry Knipe, George Mares (Maris)*

On Howard Jenkins' list of fines, but not on the Archives' muster roll: John Evans^, John Luken*, John Hoffman*, John Thomson^, Jacob Young*, Isaac Kulp^, Joseph Long*, Jacob Albright^, David Harry^

Captain John Shelmere

First class: Edward Roberts, John Evans Jr., Philip Hurst, Thomas Davis

Second class: Conrad Gearhart^, John Week, George Fleck, James Major, William Gattery, Henry Setzer, Jacob Troxel, George Sperey

Third class: John Smith, Adam Flick (Fleck)^, George Shelmire, Charles Bason, William Moore^, Jacob Spery

Fourth class: Ezekiel Clever Sr.*, Jesse Foulke*, Hugh Foulke*, Christian Dull, Joshua Foulke*, Evan Roberts, Levi Foulke*, Joseph Briggs, Samuel Siddens^, John Martin

Fifth class: Ezekiel Cleaver Jr.*, Philip Everhart, Daniel Morgan*, Peter Smith, William Stemple*

Sixth class: Garrett Clemence*, Nicholas Lentz, John Everhart*, John Snyder, George Week, Samuel Briggs, Benjamin Gregory, John Kessler

Seventh class: Barnett Gearhart, Francis Whitman, John Sidons^, Jonathan Coggans, Conrad Clime^, Henry Smith, George Ganger, John Evans Sr.*, John Singer*

Eight class: Jacob Idle, Ellis Cleaver, John Selsor^

On Howard Jenkins' list of fines, but not the muster list in the Archives: Christian Wolfinger ^, Enoch Morgan ^, George Selsor^, Joseph Leblon^, John Smyth^, George Snyder^, John Getter^, Griffith Edwards*, David Morris^, David Roberts*, William Roberts*, William Johnstone*, Owen Evans*, Nicholas Rial*, Jacob Preston^, Thomas Evans*, Amos Roberts^

* fined the maximum; ^ fined less than the maximum (Montgomery twp. not compared)

Reasons for being on one list and not the other: a) left the area; b) age - too old or young; c) joined the Regular army; d) oath of allegience (?) e) made it clear they wanted no part of it (?)

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